Friday, April 11, 2008

Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz

Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz


Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu
prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz

słuchajzapisz


Bogusław Wolniewicz (ur. 22 września 1927 w Toruniu) - filozof i logik. Publicysta i felietonista m.in. Telewizji Trwam, Radia Maryja , Naszego Dziennika. W 2005 r. startował w wyborach parlamentarnych z listy Platformy Janusza Korwin-Mikke.


Życiorys
Studiował w latach 1947-1951 na Uniwersytecie Mikołaja Kopernika pod kierunkiem Tadeusza Czeżowskiego. Do 1953 r. był asystentem w Katedrze Logiki UMK, a od 1956 r. wykładowcą na WSP w Gdańsku. W 1963 r. został przeniesiony do Katedry Filozofii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego z inicjatywy Adama Schaffa. Do 1998 r. był profesorem w Instytucie Filozofii UW, kiedy to odszedł na emeryturę. W latach 1956 - 1981 członek PZPR.


Nauka
Bogusław Wolniewicz specjalizuje się w filozofii religii i filozofii współczesnej. Dystansuje się od głównych nurtów filozofii XX wieku i przyjmuje tezy wielkich myślicieli, m.in.: Arystotelesa, Leibniza, Hume'a, Kanta i szczególnie Wittgensteina. Krytyczny wobec freudyzmu, fenomenologii, postmodernizmu i fundamentalizmu religijnego, a od lat 90. XX wieku także marksizmu, reprezentuje postawę analityczną i metafizyczną. Główne założenia jego myśli to aksjologiczny absolutyzm w wersji racjonalistycznej i metafizyczny pesymizm w spojrzeniu na człowieka oraz społeczeństwo.

Postanowieniem prezydenta Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego z dnia 11 listopada 1997 roku, za wybitne zasługi dla nauki polskiej, został odznaczony Krzyżem Oficerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski.


Polityka
Bogusław Wolniewicz startował w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2005 r. z list Platformy Janusza Korwin-Mikke, ale nie został posłem.

9 kwietnia 2006 Wolniewicz, wraz z o. Mieczysławem Krąpcem i ks. Czesławem Bartnikiem, zainicjował Społeczny Niezależny Zespół ds. Etyki Mediów, poparty m.in. przez przedstawicieli świata nauki i mediów, który postawił sobie za cel "informować rzetelnie opinię publiczną w kraju i na świecie o wszelkich poczynaniach w mediach i wokół nich, które zagrażają bądź obyczajności, bądź swobodzie publicznej dyskusji"[1]. Wolniewicz wyraził przekonanie, że Rada Etyki Mediów chce "nałożyć Polsce kaganiec na swobodę publicznej dyskusji" i "wprowadzić skrytą cenzurę"[2]. Inicjatywa ta miała miejsce po tym, jak Rada Etyki Mediów oraz Marek Edelman skrytykowali[3] Radio Maryja za nadanie, określanego przez nich jako antysemickiego, felietonu[4] Stanisława Michalkiewicza, a kieleckie Stowarzyszenie im. Jana Karskiego zażądało od prokuratury wszczęcia postępowania przeciwko autorowi[5].


Wybrane pisma
Ontologia sytuacji : podstawy i zastosowania, Warszawa : Państwowe Wydaw. Naukowe, 1985.
Filozofia i wartości : rozprawy i wypowiedzi : z fragmentami pism Tadeusza Kotarbińskiego, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 1993.
Filozofia i wartości, 2, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 1998.
Logic and metaphysics : studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, Warszawa : "Znak, Język, Rzeczywistość" : Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne, 1999.
Filozofia i wartości, 3, Z fragmentem "Księgi tragizmu" Henryka Elzenberga i jego uwagami o "Dociekaniach" Wittgensteina, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2003.
Boguslaw Wolniewicz and the Formal Ontology of Situations


INTRODUCTION

"The theory presented below was developed in an effort to clarify the metaphysics of Wittgenstein's Tractatus. The result obtained, however, is not strictly the formal twin of his variant of Logical Atomism. but something more, general, of which the latter is lust a special case. One might call it an ontology of situations. Some basic ideas of that ontology stern from Stenius Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Oxford, 1968 and Suszko Ontology in the Tractatus of L. Wittgenstein - Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic, 1968.

Let L be a classic propositional language. Propositions of L are supposed to have their semantic counterparts in the realm of possibility, or as Wittgenstein put it: in logical space. These counterparts are situations, and S is to be the totality of them. The situation described by a proposition a is S(a). With Meinong we call it the objective of a."

From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A formal ontology of situations - Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982). pp. 381-382.



"Different ontologies adopt different notions of existence as basic. Aristotle's paradigm of existence is given by the equivalence:

(A) to be = to be a substance.

On the other hand, the paradigm of existence adopted in Wittgenstein's Tractatus is given by the parallel equivalence:

(W) to be = to be a fact.

Now, an Aristotelian substance is the denotation of an individual name, whereas a Wittgensteinian fact is the denotation of a true proposition. It seems therefore that the notions of existence derived from these two paradigms should be quite different, and one might readily expect that the metaphysical systems erected upon them will display wide structural discrepancies.

It turns out, however, that in spite of this basic difference there runs between these two systems a deep and striking parallelism. This parallelism is so close indeed that it makes possible the construction of a vocabulary which would transform characteristic propositions of Wittgenstein's ontology into Aristotelian ones, and conversely. To show in some detail the workings of that transformation will be the subject of this paper.

The vocabulary mentioned is based on the following four fundamental correlations:



Aristotle
Wittgenstein

1) primary substances (substantiae primae)
atomic facts
2) prime matter (materia prima)
objects

3) form (forma)
configuration

4) self-subsistence of primary substances (esse per se)
independence of atomic facts




Aristotle's ontology is an ontology of substances, Wittgenstein's ontology is an ontology of facts. But concerning the respective items of each of the pairs (1)-(4) both ontologies lay down conditions which in view of our vocabulary appear to be identical. To show this let us confront, to begin with, the items of pair (1): substances and facts.

(The interpretation of Aristotle adopted in this paper is the standard one, to be found in any competent textbook of the history of philosophy. Therefore, with but one exception, no references to Aristotle's works will be given here.)Relatively to the system involved substances and facts are of the same ontological status. Aristotle's world is the totality of substances (summa rerum), Wittgenstein's world is the totality of facts (die Gesamtheit der Tatsachen). For Aristotle whatever exists in the basic sense of the word is a primary substance, for Wittgenstein - an atomic fact. Moreover, both ontologies are MODAL ones, allowing for different modes of being (modi essendi); and both take as basic the notion of `contingent being' (esse contingens), opposed to necessary being on the one hand, and to the possibility of being on the other. Both substances and facts are entities which actually exist, but might have not existed. The equality of ontological status between substances and facts is corroborated by the circumstance that both are PARTICULARS, there being - as the saying goes - no multiplicity of entities which FALL UNDER them.

Substances and facts stand also in the same relation to the ontological categories of pairs (2) and (3). Both are always COMPOUND entities, a substance consisting of matter and form, and a fact consisting of objects and the way of their configuration. But in neither of the two systems is this compoundness to be understood literally as composition of physically separable parts or pieces. The compoundness (compositio) of a substance consists in its being formed stuff (materia informata), and the compoundness of a fact in its being a configuration of objects.

In view of correlation (4) we have also an equality of relation which a substance bears to other substances, and a fact to other facts. Self-subsistence is the characteristic attribute of primary substances: substantia prima = ens per se. If we take this to mean that each substance exists independently of the existence or non-existence of any other substance we get immediately the exact counterpart of Wittgenstein's principle of logical atomism stating the mutual independence of atomic facts. It should be noted that thus understood the attribute of self-subsistence or independence is a relative one, belonging to a substance - or to a fact - only in virtue of its relation to other substances - or facts.

From a Wittgensteinian point of view Aristotle's substances are not things, but hypostases of facts, and thus their names are not logically proper names, but name-like equivalents of propositions. (By that term we mean roughly either a noun clause of the form `that p', or any symbol which might be regarded as a definitional abbreviation of such clause.) Surely, from the Aristotelian point of view it might be easily retorted here that just the opposite is the case: substances are not `reified' facts, but on the contrary - facts are 'dereified' substances. Without passing judgement on these mutual objections let us note in passing that their symmetric character seems to be itself an additional manifestation of the parallelism discussed."

From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-210 (notes omitted).




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SELECTED PUBLICATIONS (Works in Polish are not enclosed)

In 1970 Boguslaw Wolniewicz published a Polish translation of Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus logico-philosophicus.

A difference between Russell's and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. In Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Philosophie. Wien, 2. - 9. September 1968 - Vol. II. Wien: Herder 1968. pp. 263-267
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.193-197

"A note on Black's 'Companion'," Mind 78: 141 (1969).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - p. 229.

"It is a mistake to suppose that in Wittgenstein's "Tractatus" the meaning of Urbild has any connexion with that of picture. "

A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-217
Proceedings of the Boston Colloquium for the philosophy of science 1966/1968.

Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.198-207

"Four notion of independence," Theoria 36: 161-164 (1970).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.127-130.

WFour (binary) relations of independence I(p,q) between propositions are distinguished: the Wittgensteinian I sub-w, the statistical I sub-s, the modal I sub-m, and the deductive I sub-d. The validity of the following theorem is argued for: I sub-w(p,q) implies I sub-s(p,q) implies I sub-m(p,q) implies Isub-d(p,q). "

Wittgensteinian foundations of non-Fregean logic. In Contemporary East European philosophy. Vol. 3. Edited by D'Angelo Edward, DeGrood David, and Riepe Dale. Bridgeport: Spartacus Books 1971. pp. 231-243

"The notion of fact as a modal operator," Teorema: 59-66 (1972).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 218-224

"The notion of fact /fp = "it is a fact that p"/ is characterized axiomatically, and the ensuing modal systems shown to be equivalent to tT, S4 and S5 respectively."

Zur Semantik des Satzkalküls: Frege und Wittgenstein. In Der Mensch - Subjekt und Objekt (Festchrift für Adam Schaff). Edited by Borbé Tasso. Wien: Europaverl. 1973. pp.

Sachlage und Elementarsätz. In Wittgenstein and his impact on contemporary thought. Proceedings of the Second International Wittgenstein Symposium, 29th August to 4th September 1977, Kirchberg/Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Leinfellner Elisabeth. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1977. pp. 174-176

"Objectives of propositions," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 7: 143-147 (1978).
"The paper sketches out a semantics for propositions based upon the Wittgensteinian notion of a possible situation. The objective of a proposition is defined as the smallest situation verifying it. Two propositions are assumed to have the same objective iff they are strictly equivalent. Formulas are given which determine the objectives of conjunction and disjunction as functions of the objectives of their components. finally a link with possible-world semantics is established."

"Situations as the reference of propositions," Dialectics and Humanism 5: 171-182 (1978).
"The reference of propositions is determined for a class of languages to be called the "Wittgensteinian" ones. A meaningful proposition presents a possible situation. Every consistent conjunction of elementary propositions presents an elementary situation. The smallest elementary situations are the "Sachverhalte"; the greatest are possible worlds. The situation presented by a proposition is to be distinguished from that verifying it, but the greatest situation presented is identical with the smallest verifying. The reference of compound propositions is then determined as a function of their components."

"Les situations comme corrélats semantiques des enoncés," Studia Filozoficzne 2: 27-41 (1978).

Wittgenstein und der Positivismus. In Wittgenstein, the Vienna circle and critical rationalism. Proceedings of the third International Wittgenstein Symposium, 13th to 19th August 1978, Kirchberg am Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Bergehel Hal, Hübner Adolf, and Eckehart Köhler. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1978. pp. 75-77

"Some formal properties of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 8: 16-20 (1979).
"The objectives of propositions as defined in an earlier paper are shown here to form a distributive lattice."

A Wittgensteinian semantics for propositions. In Intention and intentionality. Essay in honour of G. E. M. Anscombe. Edited by Diamond Cora and Teichman Jenny. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1979. pp. 165-178
"More than once Professor Anscombe has expressed doubt concerning the semantic efficacy of the idea of an 'elementary proposition' as conceived in the Tractatus. Wittgenstein himself eventually discarded it, together with the whole philosophy of language of which it had been an essential part. None the less the idea is still with us, and it seems to cover theoretical potentialities yet to be explored. This paper is a tentative move in that direction.
According to Professor Anscombe, (*) Wittgenstein's 'elementary propositions' may be characterized by the following five theses:
(1) They are a class of mutually independent propositions.
(2) They are essentially positive.
(2) They are such that for each of them there are no two ways of being true or false, but only one.
(4) They are such that there is in them no distinction between an internal and an external negation.
(5) They are concatenations of names, which are absolutely simple signs.
We shall not investigate whether this is an adequate axiomatic for the notion under consideration. We suppose it is. In any case it is possible to modify it in one way or another, and for the resulting notion still to preserve a family resemblance with the original idea. One such modification is sketched out below."

"On the lattice of elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 115-121 (1980).

"On the verifiers of disjunction," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 57-59 (1980).

"The Boolean algebra of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 10: 17-23 (1981).
"This concludes a series of papers constructing a semantics for propositional languages based on the notion of a possible "situation". Objectives of propositions are the situations described by them. The set of objectives is defined and shown to be a boolean algebra isomorphic to that formed by sets of possible worlds."

"A closure system for elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 134-139 (1982).

"On logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 84-88 (1982).

"Ludwig Fleck and Polish philosophy," Dialectics and Humanism 9: 25-28 (1982).

"A formal ontology of situations," Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982).
"A generalized Wittgensteinian semantics for propositional languages is presented, based on a lattice of elementary situations. Of these, maximal ones are possible worlds, constituting a logical space; minimal ones are logical atoms, partitioned into its dimensions. A verifier of a proposition is an elementary situation such that if real it makes true. The reference (or objective) of a proposition is a situation, which is the set of all its minimal verifiers. (Maximal ones constitute its locus.) Situations are shown to form a Boolean algebra, and the Boolean set algebra of loci is its representation. Wittgenstein's is a special case, admitting binary dimensions only."

Contents:
0. Preliminaries;
1. Elementary Situations
1.1.The Axioms; 1.2.Some Consequences; 1.3. W-Independence; 1.4.States of Affairs;
2. Sets of Elementary Situations
2.1.The Semigroup of SE"-Sets; 2.2.The Lattice of Minimal SE"-Sets; 2.3.Q-Spaces and V-Sets; 2.4.V-Equivalence and Q-Equivalence; 2.4.V-Classes and V-Sets;
3. Objectives of Propositions
3.1. Verifiers of Propositions; 3.2. Verifying and Forcing; 3.3. Situations and Logical Loci; 3.4. Loci and Objectives of Compound Propositions 3.5. The Boolean Algebra of Situations;
4. References

"Truth arguments and independence," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 12: 21-28 (1983).

"Logical space and metaphysical systems," Studia Logica 42: 269-284 (1983).
"The paper applies the theory presented in "A formal ontology of situations" (Studia Logica, vol. 41 (1982), no. 4) to obtain a typology of metaphysical systems by interpreting them as different ontologies of situations.
Four are treated in some detail: Hume's diachronic atomism, Laplacean determinism, Hume's synchronic atomism, and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. Moreover, the relation of that theory to the "situation semantics" of Perry and Barwise is discussed."

"An algebra of subsets for join-semilatttices with unit," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 21-24 (1984).

"A topology for logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 255-259 (1984).

"Suszko: a reminiscence," Studia Logica 43: 317-321 (1984).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.302-306

"Die Grundwerte einer wissenschaftlichen Weltauffassaung," Conceptus 19: 3-8 (1985).
"The scientific world-view is one of the fundamentals of our culture. It can be characterized in part by its specific system of values. A world-view is regarded as a scientific one if "truth" is one of its primary values, that is, as a value which is not a means, but an end in itself. Truth is served in particular by the two instrumental values of conceptual clarity and openness to critique. Their standing is (at present) low, for two reasons. (1) Unclear thinking not only promotes social idols; its consequences are also often difficult to see clearly and immediately. (2) In any case truth is of no interest (in a biological sense) to human beings; therefore, critique can at best be a socially tolerated activity. On the other hand, truth is not only a value, but also a force which in the long run cannot be held back; this fact gives some hope to adherents of the scientific world-view. "

"Discreteness of logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 15: 132-136 (1986).

"Entailments and independence in join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 2-5 (1989).
"The paper generalizes Wittgenstein's notion of independence. in a join-semilattice of elementary situations the atoms are the Sachverhalte, and maximal ideals are possible worlds. A subset of that semilattice is independent iff it is free of "ontic ties". This is shown to be equivalent to independence in von Neumann's sense."

"On atomic join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 105-111 (1989).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 307-312.

The essence of Logical Atomism: Hume and Wittgenstein. In Wittgenstein. Eine Neubewertung. Akten 14. Internationale Wittgenstein-Symposium. Vol. 1. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990. pp. 106-111

"A question about join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic: 108 (1990).

Concerning reism in Kotarbinski. In Kotarbinski: logic. semantics and ontology. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1990. pp. 199-204
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.265-271

Elzenberg's logic of values. In Logic counts. Edited by Zarnecka-Bialy Ewa. Dordrecht: Kluwe 1990. pp. 63-70
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 286-292 (with the title: Elzenberg's axiology"

"1. Values are what our value-Judgements refer to, and the passing of Judgements is one of our vital activities, like sleeping and breathing. We constantly appraise things as good or bad, pretty or ugly, as noble or base, well-made or misshapen. No wonder that both the act of appraisal and that which it refers to - i.e. the real or spurious values - have been always the source of philosophical reflexion. In systematic form such reflexion is what we call axiology.
In Polish philosophy it was Henryk Elzenberg (1887-1967) who reflected upon matters of axiology most deeply and incisively.
(...)
3. Leibniz had said somewhere: "There are two mazes in which the human mind is most likely to get lost: one is the concept of continuity, the other is that of liberty". This admits of generalization: all concepts are mazes, viz mazes of logical relations between the propositions that involve them.
One such maze is the concept of 'value'. Possibly, it is even the same as one of the two mentioned by Leibniz, only entered - so to say - by another door. For it would be in full accord with Elzenberg's position - and with that of Kant too - to adopt the following characteristic: values are what controls the actions of free agents. Thus the concepts of value and of liberty should constitute one conceptual maze, or - which comes to the same - two mazes communicating with each other.
To get a survey of such logical maze the first thing is to fix the ontological category of the concept in question. Thus, in our case, we ask what kind of entities are those 'values' supposed to be. (Ontological categories are the most general classes of entities, the summa genera A term even more general has to cover literally everything: like 'entity' or 'something'. For everything is an entity, just as everything is a something.)
Different ontologies admit different sets of categories. The categories most frequently referred to are those of 'objects', 'properties', and 'relations'; the more exotic ones are those of an 'event', a 'set', a 'function', or a 'situation'. One point, however, is of paramount importance: the categories admitted In one ontology have to be mutually disjoint". p. 63; 66.

"A sequel to Hawranek/Zygmunt," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 20: 143-144 (1991).

Needs and value. In Logic and ethics. Edited by Geach Peter. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp.

On the discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy. In Peter Geach: philosophical encounters. Edited by Lewis Harry. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp. 77-81
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 13-17.

"A question of logic in the philosophy of religion," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 22: 33-36 (1993).

On the synthetic a priori. In Philosophical logic in Poland. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1994. pp. 327-336

Logic and metaphysics. Studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts. Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne 1999.
Contents: Preface 11; Discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy 13; 1. Elementary situations as a lattice of finite length 19; Elementary situations as a semilattice 73; 3. Independence 127; 4. Elementary situations generalized 137; 5. Auxiliary studies 193; 5.1 The Logical Atomisms of Russell and Wittgenstein 193; 5.2 A parallelism between Wittgenstein and Aristotle 198; 5.3 Frege's semantics 207; 5.4. The notion of fact as a modal operator 218; 5.5 "Tractatus" 5.541 - 5.542 224; 5.6 History of the concept of a Situation 229; 6. Offshoots 243 6.1 Languages and codes 243; 6.2 Logic and hermeneutics 254; 6.3 Kotarbinski's Reism 265; 6.4 On Bayle's critique of theodicy 271; 6.5 Elzenberg's axiology 286; 6.6 Needs and values 293; 6.7 Suszko: a reminiscence 302; Supplements 307; Indices: Index of subjects 317; Index of names 326; Index of Tractatus references 329.

"Atoms in semantic frames," Logica Trianguli 4: 69-86 (2000).
"Elaborating on Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, semantic frames are described axiomatically as based on the notion of an elementary situation being the verifier of a proposition. Conditions are investigated then for suchframes to be atomic, i.e. to have lattice-theoretic counterparts of his "Sachverhalte"."

"Extending atomistic frames," Logica Trianguli 5 (2001).

Tractatus 5.541 - 5.542. In Satz un Sachverhalt. Edited by Neumaier Otto. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag 2001. pp. 185-190
"In Wittgenstein's "Tractatus", thesis 5 is the Principle of Extensionality: all propositions are truth-functions of their clauses. This, however, has been often thrown into doubt. There are - it is said - compound propositions whose truth-value does not depend on that of their clauses. The usual example given are the so-called intensional contexts, like "John thinks that p", or "John says that p". And indeed, the truth-value of "p" is patently immaterial here to that of the whole proposition which it is part of.
Wittgenstein's retort are the following much discussed theses, adduced here in a translation of our own:

5.54 In the general propositional form, propositions occur in one another only as bases of truth-operations.
5.541 At first sight it seems that a proposition might occur in another also in a different way.
Particularly in certain propositional forms of psychology, like "A believes that p is the case", "A thinks p", etc.
For taken superficially, proposition p seems here to stand to the object A in some sort of relation.
(And in modem epistemology - Russell, Moore, etc. - these have actually been construed that way.)
5.542 However, "A believes that p", "A thinks p", "A says p" are clearly of the form " 'p' says p "; and this is not correlating a fact with an object, but a correlation of facts by correlating their objects.

The objection is met here in two steps. Firstly, it is pointed out that a proposition of the form "John says that p" is actually of the form "'p' says that p". The idea is this: the proposition "John says that Jill has a cat" means: John produces the sentence "Jill has a cat", the latter saying by itself that Jill has a cat. In such a way propositions get independent of the persons producing them, and communicate some objective content. It is surely not by John's looks that we come to know about Jill's cat, but merely by his words. Whom they stem from, is irrelevant.
In his second step Wittgenstein follows Frege's interpretation of indirect speech, but with modifications. He points out that the formula " 'p' says that p " is equivalent to some compound proposition in which neither the proposition "p" as a syntactic unit, nor anything equivalent to it, does occur although there occur all the logically relevant constituents of "p" separately.
(...)
The distinction between abstract and concrete states of affairs is not drawn explicitly in the "Tractatus". But it fits well thesis 5.156, if we expand that thesis by a few words of comment, added here in brackets:

5.156(d) A proposition may well be en incomplete image of a particular (concrete) situation, but it is always the complete image (of an abstract one).

The circumstance that in 5.156 not "states of affairs", but "situations" are mentioned, is of no consequence in our context. We assume that states of affairs are just atomic situations, and so the distinction between "concrete" and "abstract" applies to both."

"Extending atomistic frames: part II," Logica Trianguli 6: 69-88 (2003).
"The paper concludes an earlier one (Logica Trianguli, 5) on extensions of atomistic semantic frames. Three kinds of extension are considered: the adjunctive, the conjunctive, and the disjunctive one. Some theorems are proved on extending "Humean" frames, i.e. such that the elementary situations constituting their universa are separated by the maximally coherent sets of them ("realizations")."

"On a minimality condition," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 34: 227-228 (2005).

Saturday, March 29, 2008

A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz

A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz



A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz



Pilecki i Anders


("Let's Reminisce About Witold Pilecki")
Witold Pilecki was born in Poland in 1901. When the German Army invaded the country in September, 1939, Pilecki joined the Tajna Armia Polska, the Secret Polish Army.

When Pilecki discovered the existence of Auschwitz, he suggested a plan to his senior officers. Pilecki argued he should get himself arrested and sent to the concentration camp. He would then send out reports of what was happening in the camp. Pilecki would also explore the possibility of organizing a mass break-out.

Pilecki's colonel eventually agreed and after securing a false identity as Tomasz Serafinski, he arranged to be arrested in September, 1940. As expected he was sent to Auschwitz where he became prisoner 4,859. His work consisted of building more huts to hold the increased numbers of prisoners.

Pilecki soon discovered the brutality of the Schutz Staffeinel (SS) guards. When one man managed to escape on 28th October 1940, all the prisoners were forced to stand at attention on the parade-ground from noon till nine in the evening. Anyone who moved was shot and over 200 prisoners died of exposure. Pilecki was able to send reports back to the Tajna Armia Polska explaining how the Germans were treating their prisoners. This information was then sent to the foreign office in London.

In 1942 Pilecki discovered that new windowless concrete huts were being built with nozzles in their ceilings. Soon afterwards he heard that that prisoners were being herded into these huts and that the nozzles were being used to feed cyanide gas into the building. Afterwards the bodies were taken to the building next door where they were cremated.

Pilecki got this information to the Tajna Armia Polska who passed it onto the British foreign office. This information was then passed on to the governments of other Allied countries. However, most people who saw the reports refused to believe them and dismissed the stories as attempts by the Poles to manipulate the military strategy of the Allies.

In the autumn of 1942, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, a member of the Polish Communist Party, was sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki and Cyrankiewicz worked closely together in organizing a mass breakout. By the end of 1942 they had a group of 500 ready to try and overthrow their guards.

Four of the inmates escaped on their own on 29th December, 1942. One of these men, a dentist called Kuczbara, was caught and interrogated by the Gestapo. Kuczbara was one of the leaders of Pilecki's group and so when he heard the news he realized that it would be only a matter of time before the SS realized that he had been organizing these escape attempts.

Pilecki had already arranged his escape route and after feigning typhus, he escaped from the hospital on 24th April, 1943. After hiding in the local forest, Pilecki reached his unit of the Tajna Armia Polska on 2nd May. He returned to normal duties and fought during the Warsaw Uprising in the summer of 1944. Although captured by the German Army he was eventually released by Allied troops in April, 1945.

After the Second World War Pilecki went to live in Poland.The Polish Secret Police had him executed in 1948. It is believed that this was a result of his anti-communist activities.
Only Ghosts And Echoes -
Posted by Felis in Heroes, History (Sunday February 12, 2006 at 5:03 pm)
I learnt about Witold Pilecki only by accident, when my maternal grandfather dropped his name while talking about his former associate and the then Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz.

- Cyrankiewicz, he said, could have saved Pilecki but of course his own heroic tale could have been ruined.

I started asking my grandfather additional questions and learnt a few things about this man, Witold Pilecki, who according to my grandfather’s patchy story, volunteered to go to Auschwitz to gather intelligence for the Home Army (Polish Military Underground Organization) operating during the German occupation.

It was, I think, 1967 and Witold Pilecki as far as the communist authorities were concerned, officially never existed.

My grandfather knew Jozef Cyrankiewicz because both of them were members of PPS -Polish Socialist Party before WWII (PPS was a social-democratic party). Cyrankiewicz was captured and sent by the Germans to Auschwitz in 1942 but my grandfather was saved from being captured by his new identity supported by false documents. After the war, most of the members of PPS accepted the communists’ offer to join the Soviet bandwagon in exchange for good positions within the new administration and sometimes because they weren’t sure what might happen to them if they refused.

This move gave the communists more legitimacy among Western countries as well as the desperate Polish nation.

Or so they thought.

The communist party members were mostly imported from the Soviet Union.

These people, officially Polish, very often could not speak the language and like the first President Boleslaw Bierut were full time NKVG (Soviet Security) employees (the real Polish communist who ended up in Russia after 1939 were mostly executed by Stalin in the 40’s).

And so PPS and PPR (Polish Worker’s Party) were amalgamated into PZPR (Polish United Worker’s Party).

My grandpa was one of those scoundrels, who joined the new organization and for the rest of his life tried to convince himself that his decision was morally justified. He never really made it to the “top” and that is probably why he felt resentment towards Cyrankiewicz for not assisting his old comrades a little bit harder.This is how I learnt about Witold Pilecki for the first time. My grandfather made bitter comments about Cyrankiewicz’s duplicity.

I digress.

I started searching for some more information about Pilecki and slowly a picture emerged, which as much as it was depressing, gave me the feeling of faith in certain moral values, which I thought were long time dead.

Witold Pilecki was rehabilitated only in 1991 and so as I was searching a few days ago for some extra materials about him, I discovered this Wikipedia entry.

There are more sources available on line but because most of them are in Polish, I decided to quote and to translate some additional and interesting aspects of Pilecki’s life story to pay a tribute to the man, who I think, deserves much more recognition.

It was 1940 the Secret Polish Army received conflicting reports about this “new facility” being built and expanded by the Germans in Auschwitz (Oswiecim in Polish) near Kraków.The commanders of the underground, secret army were also receiving requests from the Polish Government, in exile in London; to investigate and to report about German activities around Auschwitz as the unconfirmed rumors about atrocities taking place there reached the allied forces. Witold Pilecki, a lieutenant in the underground army, was the man who volunteered to Auschwitz.

Witold Pilecki was born in 1901 in Oluniec in Russia, where his family was exiled for taking part in the 1863 uprising against Russian occupation of Poland. In 1910 his family moved back into the remains of their property (Pilecki family were small gentry-landowners) near Wilno (today Vilnius). In 1918, he volunteered for the Polish Army that was being formed at that time, and then fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1920.


Witold Pilecki in his cavalry uniform
In 1921 Pilecki took leave from the army to pass his High School Certificate exams (Matura). He attempted studying fine arts at the Stefan Batory University for a while.

Finally, he finishes Military school of Cavalry Reserve in Grudziadz and after being transferred to the Army Reserve as a second lieutenant, he takes over the farm management in his family property in Sukurcze in 1926. He lived and worked in Sukurcze until the outbreak of WWII. These were the happiest years of his life.



Witold Pilecki in before WWII

In 1931 Pilecki married Marianna Ostrowska, a teacher from Masovia. They had two children, a son Andrew and daughter Zofia. In the September campaign of 1939, Pilecki fought as a member of the “Prusy” army group. In November after the collapse of Polish defenses, he helped to found the Secret Polish Army, where he served as the Chief of Staff. In August 1940 Pilecki volunteered to infiltrate Germany’s Auschwitz Concentration Camp at Oswiecim
with the following objectives in mind:

Setting up of a secret organization within the camp to:
Provide extra food and distribute clothing among organization members.
Keep up the morale among fellow inmates and supply them with news from the
outside.
Preparing a task force to take over the camp in the eventuality of the
dropping of arms or of a live force (e.g. paratroops).
Report all of the above to the Secret Army headquarters
On September 19, 1940, with the permission of his commanding officers, he intentionally allowed himself to be captured by the Germans during a round-up in Warsaw’s suburb Zoliborz.

He arrived at Auschwitz at 10 P.M. on September 21, 1940, in the “second” Warsaw transport, under the name Tomasz Serafinski. He was registered as number 4859.

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Oswiecim - Pilecki’s mug shot
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Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (1) translated from Polish:

They made us run straight ahead towards the thicker concentration of lights. Further towards the destination (the SS troopers) ordered one of us to run to the pole on the side of the road and immediately a series from a submachine gun was sent after him.

Dead.

Ten other inmates were pulled out at random from the marching column and shot with pistols while still running to demonstrate to us the idea of “collective reprisal” if an escape was attempted by any one of us (in this case it was all arranged by the SS troopers).

They pulled all eleven corpses by ropes attached to just one leg. Dogs baited the blood soaked bodies.

All of it was done with laughter and jeering.

We were closing to the gate, an opening in the line of fences made of wire.

There was a sign at the top: “Arbeit macht frei” (Through Work To Freedom).

Only later we could fully appreciate its real meaning.

Pilecki survived his first days in Auschwitz and later established the first cell of his secret organization.

Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (2) translated from Polish:

From the darkness, from above the camp’s kitchen, Seidler the butcher spoke to us: ” Do not even dream that any one of you will get out of here alive.
Your daily food ratio is intended to keep you alive for 6 weeks; whoever lives longer it’s because he steals and those who steal will be placed in SK, where nobody lives for too long.”

Wladyslaw Baworowski - the camp’s interpreter translated it to us into Polish.

SK (Straf-Kompanie - Penal Company).

This unit was designated for all Jews, Catholic priests and those Poles whose “offences”
were proven. Ernst Krankemann, the Block Commander, had a duty of finishing off as many prisoners of the unit as he possibly could to make room for new, daily “arrivals”.

This duty suited Krankemann’s character very well.

If someone accidentally moved just little bit too much from the row of prisoners, Krankemann stabbed him with his knife, which he always carried in his right sleeve.

If someone, afraid of making this mistake, positioned himself slightly too far behind, he would be stabbed by the butcher in the kidney.

The sight of a falling human being, kicking his legs and moaning aggravated Krankemann.

He would jump straight away on the victim’s rib cage, kicked his kidneys and genitals, and finished him off as quickly as possible.

In ‘The Polish Underground Movement in Auschwitz’ Garlinski says:.

Pilecki’s secret organization, which he called the ‘Union of Military Organization’, was composed of cells of five prisoners who were unknown to one another with one man designated to be their commander.

These cells were to be found mainly in the camp hospital and camp work allocation office.

Once the first cells were established, contact with Warsaw became essential.
It so happened that at the time, by exceptionally fortuitous circumstances, a prisoner was released from the camp who was able to take Pilecki’s first report. Later reports were smuggled out by civilian workers employed in the camp. Another means was through prisoners who had decided to escape.

From the very start Pilecki’s principal aim was to take over Auschwitz concentration camp and free all the prisoners. He envisaged achieving this by having Home Army detachments attacking from the outside while cadre members of his Union of Military Organization, numbering around a thousand prisoners, would start a revolt from within. All his reports primarily concerned this matter. However, the Home Army High Command was less optimistic and did not believe such an operation to be viable while the Eastern Front was still far away.

In his diary Pilecki didn’t give the SS troopers much credit, and was certain that his organization could have taken control of the camp.

He waited for orders from the headquarters but at the same time the Germans started arresting members of Pilecki’s secret organization and he knew his time was up.

He also believed that if he could present “his case” in person some action would be taken.

Pilecki therefore felt it necessary to present his plans personally. This meant that he would have to escape from the camp, which he succeeded in doing with two other prisoners on 27th April 1943. Before the breakout Pilecki passed on his position within the camp organization to fellow inmate Henryk Bartoszewicz. However, neither his subsequent report nor the fact that he presented it in person altered the high command’s decision.

Fearing the reprisals on the entire Polish population was one of the reasons why such action was not allowed by the high command in London.

Another one was that there was no way to hide or to move such enormous number of people anywhere and with the Eastern Front still far away the whole project was considered unrealistic.

Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.

He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.

When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.

It was then, that the communists arrested him.

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Pilecki - communist jail mug shots
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He was interrogated and tortured for many months. His finger nails were pulled out and his collarbones broken and he could hardly walk.

He never “talked”.

After his process, which was a simple farce, he was sentenced to death by a firing squad.

There was no firing squad though.

The executioners dragged him the basement of the Security Headquarters building, into the boiler room.

He was gagged and could not walk.

They shot him with a single slug into the back of his head. He was buried somewhere on the rubbish tip next to the Powazki Cemetery.

His body was never found.

Wednesday, June 27, 2007

Poland says U.N. to rename Auschwitz death camp






WARSAW (Reuters) - The United Nations has accepted Poland's request to rename the Auschwitz death camp on its list of World Heritage sites to make clear it was run by Germans not Poles, the Polish government announced on Wednesday.

Auschwitz and the linked Birkenau camp in Poland would be known as "Auschwitz-Birkenau Nazi German Concentration and Death Camp," Culture Minister Kazimierz Ujazdowski told a news conference in Warsaw.

But a spokesman for the Paris-based U.N. education and culture arm UNESCO said he could not confirm the news. Last year, Poland announced prematurely that the change had been made.

"UNESCO has made a decision as a result of Poland's request to change the name of Auschwitz Birkenau to reflect the historical truth," Ujazdowski said, with the Israeli ambassador at his side. "This is a victory for truth."

More than a million Jews from across Europe were killed by the Nazis in Auschwitz and Birkenau in occupied Poland during World War Two. Many Poles worry that the world is forgetting the camps were set up by the Germans.

Warsaw points to references to "Polish gas chambers" or the "Polish concentration camps" in world media as evidence Poles are wrongly portrayed as collaborators with the Nazis in killing Jews.

Last year, Poland formally asked UNESCO to change the camp's name. Jewish organizations and Israel backed the plan after initial reservations. UNESCO's World Heritage Committee has been meeting in New Zealand this week.

German forces occupying Poland set up Auschwitz in southern Poland in 1940 as a labor camp for Polish prisoners, gradually expanding it into a vast labor and death camp that became the centerpiece of their plans to kill all European Jews.

Between 1.2 and 1.5 million people died there, most of them Jews. Polish political prisoners, Soviet prisoners of war, Gypsies, homosexuals, people with disabilities and prisoners of conscience or religious faith were also killed.

Poland has long battled accusations by some Jewish and Western commentators that Poles were willing Nazi helpers during the war -- accusations driven by documented incidents of Polish anti-Semitism and complicity in the Holocaust.

Poles argue that such cases were isolated and point out that 3 million of their ethnic kin perished during the bloody German occupation. Some were killed for trying to save their Jewish compatriots.

I believe the American and European media owes an apology to the Polish people for printing an articles in which the authors refers to them as anti-Semitic.
Such a books and articles contribute even more to the ever-present anti-Polonism in the American and European media.
Did any of those so-called American historians ever investigate any attacks on the non-Jewish population?
Poles were the victims of such cruel acts on an almost daily basis. This fact is kept from American and European readers. Instead, the massacre, which was known in Poland, the files were not hidden but open for everyone to investigate, had to be "discovered" by a fame-seeking author.
The fact that Mr. Gross left Poland in 1968 tells me that a touch of revenge may be the motive for his search. The investigation will only be in Poland's favor.
In the past, Kosinski's alleged autobiographical books were proven to be hoaxes.
There are files of documents that Mr. Gross somehow ignored in his research, rather concentrating on the testimony of one witness. To understand the base of that attack, we must know the history of Poland and in my opinion, based on the observation of an average American person, we know nothing.
It is too difficult to understand without being provided with wider information, truthful publications by OTHER than American and Jewish historians.
Unfortunately, when a country is attacked, in Poland's case, by two great powers, chaos occurs.
The double standards are evident by calling an event, such as the one in Jedwabne, an act of anti-Semitism, while in the US, burning a synagogue in Worcester, Mass was called "an act of vandalism", a shooting in the Jewish Children Center in California -"an act of a mad man". If such acts took place in Poland, they would have been called anti-Semitic. American patriotism applied to Poles transfers into nationalism.
For 1000 years, Poland was the spiritual and religious center of Jewish Diaspora and produced one of the greatest world centers of Talmudic studies. 300 papers in Hebrew were published in Warsaw alone. Jews, unlike Blacks in America, were not forced to settle in Poland, prospered, attended colleges and universities, owned factories, etc.

So in 1264, King Boleslav of Poland granted a charter inviting the Jews there. The charter was an amazing document, granting Jews unprecedented rights and privileges. For example, it stated that:
"The testimony of the Christian alone may not be admitted in a matter which concerns the money or property of a Jew. In every such incidence there must be the testimony of both a Christian and a Jew. If a Christian injures a Jew in any which way, the accused shall pay a fine to the royal treasury."
"If a Christian desecrates or defiles a Jewish cemetery in any which way, it is our wish that he be punished severely as demanded by law."
"If a Christian should attack a Jew, the Christian shall be punished as required by the laws of this land. We absolutely forbid anyone to accuse the Jews in our domain of using the blood of human beings."
"We affirm that if any Jew cries out in the night as a result of violence done to him, and if his Christian neighbors fail to respond to his cries and do not bring the necessary help, they shall be fined."
"We also affirm that Jews are free to buy and sell all manner of things just as Christians, and if anyone hampers them, he shall pay a fine."
Polish King Kazimierz was favorably disposed toward Jews. On October 9, 1334, he confirmed the privileges granted to Jewish Poles in 1264 by Boleslaus V. Under penalty of death, he prohibited the kidnapping of Jewish children for the purpose of enforced Christian baptism. He inflicted heavy punishment for the desecration of Jewish cemeteries.
Although Jews had lived in Poland since before the reign of King Kazimierz, he allowed them to settle in Poland in great numbers and protected them as people of the king.
Another Polish king, Sigismund II Augustus, issued another invitation. Here is an excerpt from his edict, granting the Jews permission to open a yeshiva at Lublin, dated August 23, 1567:
"As a result of the efforts of our advisors and in keeping with the request of the Jews of Lublin we do hereby grant permission to erect a yeshiva and to outfit said yeshiva with all that is required to advance learning. All the learned men and rabbis of Lublin shall come together for among their number they shall choose one to serve as the head of the yeshiva. Let their choice be a man who will magnify Torah and bring it glory."

GOLDEN AGE OF POLISH JEWRY
In Poland, the Jews were allowed to have their own governing body called the Va'ad Arba Artzot, which was composed of various rabbis who oversaw the affairs of the Jews in Eastern Europe. The Poles did not interfere with Jewish life and scholarship flourished.
Some important personalities of this period, which a student of Jewish history should remember, were:
Rabbi Moshe Isserles (1525-1572), from Krakow, also known as the Rema. After the Sephardi rabbi Joseph Karo wrote the Shulchan Aruch, the code of Jewish Law, Rabbi Isserles annotated it to fill in the rabbinic decisions from Eastern Europe. His commentary was, and continues to be, critically important in daily Jewish life.

Rabbi Ya'akov Pollack (1455-1530), from Krakow. He opened the first yeshivah in Poland and was later named the chief rabbi of Poland. He developed a method of learning Talmud called pilpul, meaning "fine distinctions." This was a type of dialectical reasoning that became very popular, whereby contradictory facts or ideas were systematically weighed with a view to the resolution of their real or apparent contradictions.
Rabbi Yehudah Loewe, (1526-1609), not from Poland but important to Eastern European Jewry. He was known as the Maharal of Prague and was one of the great mystical scholars of his time. He has been credited with having created the golem, a Frankenstein figure, a living being without soul.
Along with the growth in Torah scholarship came population growth. In 1500 there were about 50,000 Jews living in Poland. By 1650 there were 500,000 Jews. This means that by the mid 17th century about majority of the Jewish population of the world was living in Poland!
Where did these Jews settle within Poland?
Jews were generally urban people as they were historically not allowed to own land in most of the places they lived. However, they also created their own farm communities called shtetls. Although we tend to think of the shtetl today as a poor farming village (like in Fiddler on the Roof), during the Golden Age of Polish Jewry, many of these communities were actually quite prosperous. And there were thousands of them.
The Jews in these independent communities spoke their own language called Yiddish. Original Yiddish was written in Hebrew letters and was a mixture of Hebrew, Slavic, and German. (Note that Yiddish underwent constant development and "modern" Yiddish is not like the "old" Yiddish which first appeared in the 13th century, nor "middle" Yiddish of this period of time.) Overall, the Jews did well, but working alongside Polish and Ukrainian Christians
How many African Americans till the 20th century were able to do so?
Jews came to Poland on their own will, to the country of great opportunity, found shelter from the hostilities of Western Europe, stayed and prospered, had representatives in the Polish parliament, and had the freedom of expressing their religion and customs. In some towns of Eastern Poland, Jews accounted for more than 50% of the occupants. They were respected citizens, how could this be possible if the country was, as it is widely presented on the Jan Tomasz Gross book as anti-Semitic?
Polish Jews enjoyed equal rights and full protection of the law under the Polish government. The laws changed under the rule of Prussia, Russia, and Austria.
Keep in mind that it also affected Poles as well. Their situation improved after WWI when the Polish government was reestablished.
Why, between wars, was the Jewish population growing 6 times faster than Christian population, if the alleged anti-Semitism took place?
The only prejudice that you can accuse Polish people of is to be anti-Communist.
Marek Edelman, the last leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, who still lives in Poland, said: "It is not a Jew who is the enemy; it is an enemy who is Jewish." I'm sorry to destroy the beautiful image of the peaceful and innocent Jewish people but at the time of the massacre it was well known that there were "informers," "observers," "advisors," or in plain English "Soviet collaborators" among Jews then and through the war and post.

Those did not see the wrong they were doing, the comfort came from accepting a different way of thinking. They considered themselves Poles or Polish Jews before the war, now comfortably became only Jews, so there were no ties of loyalty to Poland or to the Polish people. Collaborators gave out Poles and Jews as well (Jakub Berman as an example).
But this would be too difficult to understand for us who for decades were fed on anti-Polish propaganda. The same propaganda that Nazis used and later Soviets and now is being repeated with a nauseating consistency by the American press.
The public does not know that Poland and Israel have a very good relationship.
It is the backwardness of American Jews to prefer the stereotype. I was hoping that with the raising of the Iron Curtain, the flow of information about Poland would be available to the average American reader and TV viewer.
That did not happen, rather we prefer to publish such articles. Also by hiding from public Polish accomplishments, only adds to the image of the Poles as some primitive tribe.
The fact that Poland's economy is the one of fastest growing in Europe is a thorn in the eye for some. The anti-Polish sentiment spreads to minimize their success. We already forgot who first faced the Soviet power and fought Communism.
Some are even lining up to collect money.
The difference between Holocaust victims in the US and Poland is that in Poland, Jews and Christians believe that there is no price on human despair, I guess American Jews found the price tag and the Holocaust became a good business.
Poles never asked to recompense their losses and they did not receive any help from the Marshal Plan either.
We must not forget that Poland was not only a victim during WWII but only recently freed herself from under Soviet occupation. We should remember that Communism in Poland was FORCED upon its people, that Soviets placed Jews on high positions, which triggered atrocities. There is no perfect nation, there are honorable citizens and there is scum in all of them. But it seems that we only find the bad in Poles and all the good in Jews. For a well-balanced story, the authors should mention what Soviet Jews did to Poles (Koniuchy massacre) and the fact that, from 34 countries, the Poles are those who have the most trees at Yad Vashem.
Poland lost almost 20% of its population; 6 million Poles were killed.
It was the only country in all of Nazi-occupied Europe with the death penalty for sheltering Jews. Germans knew how sympathetic Poles were to Polish Jews and that way, they could get rid of them both. Entire families, sometimes whole towns were murdered for sheltering Jews. 75% spoke only Yiddish, which later became a problem for those who wanted to be saved and pass as Poles. I guess American Jews don't rush to reveal some other information to the American public like: what were the Judenrat and the Jewish Police doing in the ghettos? Who took over the houses of Polish officers and their families when they were taken to Siberia?

In the American consciousness the Holocaust has become synonymous with Jewish history. Historical literature of the Holocaust has focused on the six million Jewish victims to the exclusion of the sixteen to twenty million Gentile victims.
Do we inform that Poland's government was the only one in Nazi-occupied Europe to sponsor the organization to help Jews escaping the ghettos?
What did American Jews do to help their dying brothers?
We allow speculation on almost every aspect of Polish-Jewish relationship never asking: "why don't we speculate how many Jews would save Poles if the roles were reversed?"
For me to have a different opinion is to risk being called an anti-Semite. An intelligent but objective Jewish person is called a "self-hating Jew". A "bystander" is someone who chose not to give his and his family's life for a stranger, Jewish person.
Good things are happening in Poland .We don't rush to tell about the annual Jewish Festival in Krakow or about the opening of yet another Jewish school in Warsaw. Or even about the commemorating of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. We don't rush to tell about the "Fiddler on the Roof" in Yiddish at the Jewish Theatre in Warsaw. Instead we publish misleading stories about a music concert in Auschwitz (!?) and killings in Jedwabne. Why is that? American historians should stop wasting their ink only writing about alleged Polish anti-Semitism. Any atrocities toward Jews either occurred during Nazi or Soviet occupation or were triggered by revenge and greed not to be mistaken with anti-Semitism. Also to suggest that all Polish Jews are long gone is wrong, many prospered and became famous: actors (Holoubek, Zapasiewicz, Himilsbach, Rudzki), movie critics (Waldorf), writers (Tuwim), philosophers and editors (Michnik), politicians (Mazowiecki, Suchocka), musicians (Szpilman, Zimmerman), heart surgeons (Marek Edelman), athletes (Kirszenstein a.k.a. Szewinska), singers (Szmeterling a.k.a. Jantar). Some Polish Jews just recently became interested in their religion; Jewish schools are reopening, while the synagogues, museums, and Jewish cultural institutes were always present in Poland's cultural life. Positive Jewish characters are in every Polish classic, there are streets named after Jewish heroes; monuments accommodate their heroism and their tragedy. All this does not seem like an anti-Semitic country does it? But it stays in the American media, as long as we allow it to.

Przegląd prasy
Jerzy Robert Nowak
Oszczerczy atak na kard. Sapiehę
W żydowskim miesięczniku „Midrasz”, który „wsławił się” oszczerczą napaścią dr Aliny Całej na słynną pisarkę katolicką Zofię Kossak – kolejna oszczercza napaść. Tym razem na jedną z największych postaci Kościoła katolickiego w XX wieku – księcia kard. Adama Sapiehę.
Napaść ta znalazła miejsce w tekście znanego niegdyś ze skrajnie dogmatycznych komunistycznych poglądów, a od wielu lat skrajnego siewcy jadowitego antypolonizmu – prof. Jerzego Tomaszewskiego. W majowym numerze „Midrasza” Tomaszewski przytoczył, z wyraźną aprobatą, godzące w kard. Sapiehę twierdzenia z artykułu Jana T. Grossa, opublikowanego w tomie „Zagłada Żydów. Studia i materiały. Pismo Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów”, IFiS PAN, nr 2, Warszawa 2006. Nagłośnione przez Tomaszewskiego oszczercze stwierdzenie Grossa akcentowało: „Nawet szczególnie szanowany po wojnie za postawę wobec władz okupacyjnych kard. Adam Sapieha nie oprotestował u gubernatora Franka nazistowskiej akcji mordowania Żydów (...). I nie da się tego zasłonić żadnym listkiem figowym, wyliczając garść nazwisk księży i sióstr zakonnych, którzy ratowali Żydów”.
Nagłośnione przez Tomaszewskiego w „Midraszu” oszczerstwo, godzące zarazem w dobre imię kard. Sapiehy i w Kościół katolicki w Polsce, jest wyjątkowo bezczelne. Książę Adam Sapieha jako metropolita krakowski już w 1940 r. na prośbę rabinów interweniował u gubernatora Franka w ich obronie, by zapobiec ich wysiedleniu. Wspomina o tym m.in. znany lekarz żydowski, dyrektor żydowskiego szpitala zakaźnego w getcie krakowskim Aleksander Biberstein w książce „Zagłada Żydów w Krakowie” (Kraków 1985, s. 223). Niestety, interwencja polskiego hierarchy katolickiego przyniosła odwrotny skutek – niemiecką zemstę na krakowskich rabinach, którzy zwrócili się o pomoc do abp. Sapiehy (S. Kornitzerze, S. Rappaporcie i M. Friedrichu). Jak pisał Biberstein i jak akcentuje autorka najnowszego opracowania na ten temat Krystyna Samsonowska, interwencja abp. Sapiehy „nie dość, że nie przyniosła oczekiwanego efektu, to niestety skończyła się wysłaniem rabinów do obozu w Oświęcimiu. Wszyscy zginęli” (cyt. za tekstem K. Samsonowskiej: „Pomoc dla Żydów krakowskich w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej”, „Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939-1945. Studia i materiały”, pod red. Andrzeja Żbikowskiego, IPN, Warszawa 2006, s. 846). Jak z tego wynika, interweniowanie u władz niemieckich w obronie Żydów ze strony polskich hierarchów nie miało żadnych szans na pozytywne skutki.
Oczerniony przez Grossa i Tomaszewskiego arcybiskup Sapieha był faktycznie głównym organizatorem tajnej, jakże niebezpiecznej, akcji ratowania Żydów w Małopolsce. O jego zasługach w tym względzie pisał m.in. dr hab. Jan Żaryn w swej najnowszej pracy opublikowanej w książce „Wokół pogromu kieleckiego” (IPN, Warszawa 2006, s. 82): „Arcybiskup krakowski wbrew zakazom niemieckim zezwalał swoim kapłanom na potajemne udzielanie chrztu Żydom i fałszowanie metryk oraz interweniował osobiście w sprawie żydowskich katolików”.
Szokującym kłamstwem jest nagłośnione przez Tomaszewskiego twierdzenie Grossa, że tylko „garść” księży i sióstr zakonnych pomagała Żydom. Wspomniany już historyk IPN Jan Żaryn w książce „Polacy i Żydzi pod okupacją niemiecką 1939-1945” (op. cit., s. 388) pisał: „Lista kapłanów, a także sióstr zakonnych, którzy ratowali dzieci żydowskie, jest bardzo długa”. Niektóre osoby spośród tych duchownych zapłaciły własnym życiem za pomoc prześladowanym Żydom.
Warto zapytać, jak długo polski minister spraw wewnętrznych i administracji będzie dotował żydowskie czasopismo „Midrasz”, wyraźnie specjalizujące się w oszczerczych antypolskich i antykatolickich treściach?
Ich głównym wrogiem – Kościół
W „Dzienniku” z 21 maja – tekst Bogumiła Łozińskiego pt. „Pojedynek na parady i hasła”, wymownie ilustrujący nastroje wśród homoseksualistów i lesbijek uczestniczących w warszawskiej Paradzie Równości. W tekście czytamy m.in.: „(...) uczestnicy pochodu nieśli tęczowe transparenty i tablice z hasłami «Homofobia stop», i skandowali: «Polska wolna od faszystów». Nad ich głowami krążył policyjny helikopter.
Organizatorzy imprezy nie ukrywali, że ich głównym wrogiem jest Kościół, stąd jej hasło: «Kochaj bliźniego swego» przekornie nawiązywało do najważniejszego przykazania chrześcijaństwa, a nad manifestantami powiewała flaga antyklerykalnej partii Racja i transparent z napisem: «Polska kolonią Watykanu». Nie zabrakło też karykatur polityków prawicy. Rozdawano m.in. ulotki przedstawiające posła Prawicy RP Mariana Piłkę, trzymającego mechaniczną piłę, z podpisem: «Chrześcijańska masakra Piłką»”.
Przeciw bezkarności urzędników
W „Naszym Dzienniku” z 21 maja – godny polecenia tekst Wojciecha Wybranowskiego: „Prawo pozwala na urzędniczą patologię”. Autor pisze m.in.: „Mnogość obowiązujących w Polsce przepisów prawa regulujących działalność gospodarczą pozwala na bezkarność urzędników nawet w przypadku, gdy ich działania doprowadzają do upadku sprawnie funkcjonującego przedsiębiorstwa. Zdaniem Romana Kluski, niedawne upadłości «Bestcomu», «JTT Computer» i wielu innych polskich firm to reguła wskazująca na złe stosowanie prawa przez urzędników, a także na działanie nomenklaturowych «lóż interesów», wykorzystujących prawo do niszczenia konkurencji. Posłowie z sejmowej Komisji Gospodarki są zgodni: trzeba uprościć prawo i w sprawach gospodarczych wyeliminować uznaniowość urzędników, sędziów i prokuratorów. (...) Zdaniem Kluski, jedynym rozwiązaniem jest «wycięcie» z polskiego prawa wszystkich przepisów pozwalających urzędnikom na uznaniowość i dowolność podejmowania decyzji”.
W tymże numerze „Naszego Dziennika” zamieszczony jest ponadto interesujący wywiad W. Wybranowskiego z R. Kluską pt. „Nie ma innej drogi. Trzeba zlikwidować bariery”. Według Kluski – „Od około piętnastu lat z roku na rok inicjatywa obywatela jest ograniczana dużą liczbą aktów prawnych. Jest ich w sumie obecnie ok. 30 tysięcy stron. Żaden obywatel nie jest w stanie się z nimi zapoznać, a jeżeli nie jest się w stanie poznać prawa, to bardzo trudno jest go przestrzegać. Jednym z największych problemów przedsiębiorców dzisiaj jest stres, że jest jakieś prawo, o którym nie wiedzą, i za chwilę pojawi się urzędnik, mówiąc: «nie przestrzega pan tego czy owego»”.
Ruch obrony starej nomenklatury
W mediach – sprzeczne komentarze wokół zainicjowanego przez lewicę „Ruchu na rzecz Demokracji” i wspólnego wystąpienia Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego, Lecha Wałęsy i Andrzeja Olechowskiego przeciw rzekomym zagrożeniom demokracji w Polsce. Wystąpienie to zostało gorąco przywitane na łamach „Gazety Wyborczej”, konsekwentnie sprzeciwiającej się radykalnym zmianom w kierunku IV Rzeczypospolitej. „Gazeta Wyborcza” z 18 maja poświęca aż 5 różnych tekstów wspomnianemu wspólnemu wystąpieniu. Teksty te otwiera publikowany na pierwszej kolumnie numeru artykuł Pawła Wrońskiego i Wojciecha Załuski: „Prezydenci i obywatele. Polskę stać na demokrację pierwszej jakości”, szczególnie radośnie anonsujący współpracę Kwaśniewskiego i Wałęsy. Wyraźnie na drugim biegunie poglądów sytuują się stanowiska redaktorów prawicowej „Naszej Polski”. W numerze z 15 maja czytamy bardzo wnikliwą krytykę głównych postaci „Ruchu na rzecz Demokracji”: „Poputczicy Kwaśniewskiego”, która wyszła spod pióra Pawła Siergiejczyka. W kolejnym numerze „Naszej Polski” (z 22 maja) – tekst naczelnego tego tygodnika Piotra Jakuckiego „Zlot upiorów”. Pisząc o spotkaniu na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim z udziałem Wałęsy, Kwaśniewskiego i Olechowskiego, Jakucki stwierdza: „Na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim spotkali się «obrońcy demokracji» spod znaku agentury, afer gospodarczych i politycznych oraz «salonu Michnika i okolic». Ich cel to zahamowanie zmian w kraju, odsunięcie PiS i powrót Polski do czasów oligarchii mafijnej

SERIALS FROM PAST ISSUES
THE TRUTH ABOUT KIELCE
Copyright 1996 - Iwo Pogonowski and AngloPol Corporation -- Distributed by the Polonia Media Network
PROMOTING GOODWILL BETWEEN JEWISH AND POLISH PEOPLE:
THE OBSTACLE OF THE KIELCE POGROM OF JULY 4, 1946

A Study by Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Pogonowski is a renowned author of books and articles about Poland and is particularly knowledgeable about the history of Jews in Poland. As reference material for this writing he has referred extensively to "Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism" by Michael Checinski, "Poles, Jews, Communism-- The Anatomy of Half-Truth 1939-1968" by Krystyna Kersten and "Pogrom of Jews in Kielce, July 4, 1946" by Bozena Szaynok. He also credits the Information Services of the Canadian Polish Congress for special materials and help.
Part 2 of 5

GERMAN OCCUPATION OF POLAND AND CONTROL OF JEWS
By mid-1941, Germany gained control of all of Poland and the Germans continued the establishment of Jewish ghettos that the Germans had started in 1939. Germans formed the Jewish ghettos by evicting hundreds of thousands of gentiles from their homes and then crowding many more Jewish families there than the space could reasonably accommodate. There were no Jewish ghettos in Poland before Germany started creating them in 1939. It is ironic that some people not well acquainted with the history of the ghettos have mistakenly thought that the ghettos were formed by a bigoted Polish population who spitefully wanted to segregate the Jewish population to selected areas. Instead, the real truth is that Polish people were unwillingly removed from their homes by the Germans to form the ghettos, and then the Polish people illegally aided the Jews by bringing them substantial amounts of food and other supplies.
In terms of living conditions, the ghettos formed by the Germans bore a haunting similarity to the concentration camps that the Germans had been organizing since 1933. The Polish Armed Resistance reported that 500,000 Jews were crowded into the Warsaw Ghetto: 600 people per acre. Hunger, and unspeakably poor hygienic and sanitary conditions resulted in the spreading of tuberculosis and other contagious diseases. The Central Commission for Investigation of Crimes Against Polish People reported: "The isolated ghetto is restricted to internal trade, consisting of people's private property, clothing, and household goods which are sold at low prices for extremely expensive food ... There is no heating fuel in the ghetto ... The health and sanitary conditions are beyond description--there is a monstrous hunger and poverty ... Overcrowded streets are full of aimless, pale, and starving people ... People die in the streets ... An orphanage is being overcrowded with daily arrivals of newborn babies ... The Germans' plunder of once-affluent Jews continues ... as well as the treatment of Jews in an exceptionally brutal manner ..."
Each ghetto had its own Jewish Council [Judenrat] which oversaw day-to-day affairs and a Jewish police force which carried out German orders to supply laborers and, as pointed out by Jewish historians such as Isaiah Trunk and Hannah Arendt, to round up Jews for deportation to death camps. Thus, relatively few Germans were needed for such "Aktions," or official actions by the German government against the Jewish people. Nor did their success involve any type of cooperation from Polish gentiles. Because the system set up by the Germans did not rely on Polish police, even the opportunity for the Polish police to aid the German roundup of the Jews was marginal or non-existent, as pointed out by Raul Hilberg, the foremost Holocaust historian, in his important work, "Victims, Perpetrators, Bystanders." Conditions in the Bransk ghetto have been described in Isaiah Trunk's "Judenrat" (New York: Macmillan, 1972) and in "Bransk: Book of Memories" (New York: Shoulson Press, 1948).
Polish gentiles certainly were not the masterminds who formed the ghettos nor collaborators with the Germans on the brutal treatment of the Jews. To the contrary, Polish gentiles sabotaged German plans for the starvation of ghetto inmates. The Polish gentiles made illegal deliveries of food to the ghettos--including about 250 tons of flour per day. Jozef Dabrowski and others were shot by the Germans for making such deliveries. By then the daily food ration in Warsaw was 184 calories for a Jew, 669 for a Polish gentile, and 2,613 for a German. Eighty percent of the food consumed in the ghetto was smuggled in by Polish gentiles. The supply of raw materials into the ghetto was forty times greater than that officially permitted by the Germans, according to the records of the Jewish Council of the Warsaw Ghetto. (I.C. Pogonowski, "Jews in Poland: A Documentary History, pp. 106-107.")
After Germany's invasion of Russia, Adolf Hitler verbally ordered the "Final Solution of the Jewish question," namely the extermination of eleven million European Jews. To work out and communicate the details of implementing the "Final Solution," the Wannsee Conference was held in Berlin on January 20, 1942. At the conference, the leaders of the German civil service established the specific means by which the genocide was to be conducted. As a direct result of the conference, the Berlin government announced an invitation for bids from German industry to purchase equipment for an industrial process to exterminate eleven million European Jews.

According to plans developed at the Conference, terrorized Jewish personnel were to be used in the extermination process. Also, the plans further directed that the extermination camps were to be isolated from the Polish population for maximum secrecy. For this reason, the camp guards were recruited from Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania and Ukraine. Despite German terror and German attempts to keep Poles in the dark about the Germans' actions, radio broadcasts made by the Polish resistance regularly informed the West of German atrocities in Poland. (I.C. Pogonowski, "Jews in
Poland: A Documentary History, New York: Hippocrene Books Inc., 1993, pp. 110, 119, 120, 121, 124, 125).
Massive deportations from the Warsaw ghetto in the summer of 1942 (to the Treblinka death camp) were not carried out with the assistance of any Polish agency. Indeed, in German-occupied Poland, there was not even a vestige of a Polish government at that time. Instead, the deportations were organized by the Jewish police in coordination with the Judenrat and the occupying German forces. Horrifying descriptions of this Aktion are found in the diaries of Emanuel Ringelblum, the chronicler of the Warsaw ghetto, and elsewhere. These sad events are only a part, but a significant part, of the eventual roundup and execution by the Germans of a large proportion of Poland's Jews in what later came to be referred to as the Holocaust.
On April 19, 1943, a Jewish uprising began in the Warsaw Ghetto as Germans started the final liquidation of the Jews there. The massacre ended on May 8, 1943. Professor Marian Fuks later wrote: "It is absolutely certain fact that without help and active participation of the Polish resistance movement it would have not been possible at all to bring about the uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto." ("The Bulletin of the Jewish Historical Institute in Poland," July-December 1989, p. 44).
It should go without saying that the German occupation and brutal control of Poland was not welcomed by the Polish people. Unfortunately, neither could the Polish people find solace in the eventual Soviet re-entry into Poland and their consequent program of brutal control. Upon Soviet re-entry into Poland in 1944, the Soviet terror apparatus was systematically liquidating the remnants of the Polish Home Army and any perceived Polish opponents of a Soviet takeover and control of Poland. It is an undeniable fact that many Jews, usually communist functionaries, were collaborating with the Soviets in denouncing, jailing, and executing Poles. (See for example, "Karta," no. 15; Oswald Rufeisen's account in Nechama Tec's "In the Lion's Den"; Wanda Lisowska's 1946 account on conditions in Ejszyszki found in "Zeszyty Historyczne," no. 36.) Poles suspected of having either collaborated with the Germans or of being anti-Semitic could be, and were, executed with impunity. For example, in Drohiczyn, nine Polish gentiles were murdered by local Jews because they were falsely suspected of killing a Jew, a crime in fact perpetrated by the Soviets (Warszawa: Archiwum Polski Podziemnej, Dokumenty, 1994).
Tens of thousands of Polish gentiles were executed in repressions that affected the lives of hundreds of thousands of innocent Polish gentiles. The foregoing are not invented facts: Both Simon Wiesenthal and Stanislaw Krajewski, vice-chairperson of the Polish Council of Christians and Jews, among others, have publicly admitted their shame on this account. Under these types of wartime circumstances, where Jews were successfully encouraged to betray Polish gentiles to the Soviet authorities, animosities toward Jews in the general population were not a matter of anti-Semitism, but simply a matter of survival. Active Jewish collaboration and popular support for Soviet forces invading Poland occurred from the beginning of the War. In the book "Poles, Jew, Socialists--The Failure of an Ideal," edited by Antony Polonsky, et al. (London: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 1996), Dov Levin writes "The Red Army entered Wilno [Poland] early on the morning of Tuesday, 19 September 1939, to an enthusiastic welcome by Wilno's Jewish residents, in sharp contrast to the Polish population's reserve and even hostility. Particular ardor was displayed by leftist groups and their youthful members, who converged on the Red Army tank columns bearing sincere greetings and flowers."
Despite these enormous obstacles, and the fact that Polish gentiles also were undergoing their own Holocaust which consumed several million victims, hundreds of thousands of Polish gentiles risked their lives to help Jews. In Warsaw alone, before the uprising of 1944, which resulted in its total destruction, some 15,000 Jews were being sheltered. Emanuel Ringelblum estimated that as many as 60,000 out of the city's 700,000 Christian residents were involved in the rescue efforts. Assistance has been documented at more than 600 Catholic churches, monasteries, convents, and church-run orphanages throughout Poland. Poles form the largest group recognized by Yad Vashem as "Righteous Gentiles," as many as 40% of all those recognized. Yad Vashem is a Jewish organization devoted to honoring those who saved Jews from the Holocaust.
Just as there were some Jewish collaborators during World War II, small numbers of Polish gentiles also collaborated with the Germans. There is no justification or excuse for their actions, and neither was this conduct condoned or tolerated. With the active support of Polish public opinion, the Polish Underground passed and carried out many death sentences against anyone found collaborating with the Germans. It is regrettably true that collaborators, whether with the Nazis or the Soviets, whether Polish Jews or gentiles, were an effective force to contend with. But at the same time, they were tiny, marginal and unrepresentative groups in their respective communities.
Simon Wiesenthal has advocated the following wise and balanced assessment of that tragic period which consumed millions of Jewish and Polish lives: "Then the war came. It is at times like these that the lower elements in society surface--the blackmailers who would betray Jews ... On the other hand, the 30,000 or 40,000 Jews who survived, survived thanks to the help of the Poles. This I know." During the five years of German occupation most of the efforts to shelter Jews ended tragically for the Jewish victims and their Christian friends.
What do the leading Holocaust historians have to say about alleged Polish complicity in the Holocaust? Yisrael Gutman, director of research at the Yad Vashem Institute in Jerusalem and editor in chief of "The Encyclopedia of the Holocaust" (1990), has stated authoritatively: "All accusations against the Poles that they were responsible for the Final Solution are not even worth mentioning. Secondly, there is no validity at all in the contention that Polish attitudes were the reason for the siting [sic] of the death camps in Poland." And again: "I want to be unequivocal about this. When it is said that Poles supposedly took part in the extermination of the Jews on the side of the Germans, that is not true. It has no foundation in fact. There was no such thing as Poles taking part in the extermination of the Jewish population." Professor Gutman stated that the percentage of Poles who collaborated with the Germans was "infinitesimally small." He said this in a conversation with Polish Ambassador Dowgiallo (Harvey Sarner, "From Science to Diplomacy: A Pole's Experience in Israel," Brunswick Press, 1995). Richard Pipes of Harvard University, wrote in the introduction to I.C. Pogonowski's book, "Jews in Poland," published on the fiftieth anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising: "It must never be mistakenly believed that the Holocaust was perpetrated by the Poles. Nor must it be ignored that three million Poles perished at German hands." Szymon Datner, longtime director of Warsaw's Jewish Historical Institute, has been equally blunt: "Poles are not responsible for the crimes of the Holocaust."
EVENTS FOLLOWING WORLD WAR II
Only Soviet-trained intelligence agents were trusted by the Soviet government among Polish prewar Communists. Among those "the Jews ... were ... considered less susceptible to the lures of Polish nationalism, to which even impeccable Polish communists were not thought immune" (Checinski, p. 71). During 1945, the Soviets recruited to the Office of State Security a very large number of Jews. Mostly Jews, including Holocaust survivors, were assigned to carry out the Soviet policy of de-Nazification in the former German territories which Poland was to annex on the basis of the Potsdam Agreement in compensation for provinces lost to the Soviet Union in 1939.
After the War, over 1,200 former Nazi camps were used to hold German nationals, 99% of whom were noncombatants. Under the guise of de-Nazification, members of the pro-Western Polish resistance and their families were processed together with the Germans. In a brief period of time between 60,000 and 80,000 people died in the de-Nazification camps. Starvation diets, typhoid fever, and mistreatment caused the high death rate. Torture was commonplace. Jewish officers of the UB [Urzad Bezpieczenstwa, Office of State Security], including those who themselves survived unimaginable suffering at German hands, were now used by the Soviets to inflict the same on others. Again, to quote Simon Wiesenthal, "I always say that I know what kind of role Jewish communists played in Poland after the war. And just as I, as a Jew, do not want to shoulder responsibility for the Jewish communists, I cannot blame 36 million Poles for those thousands of blackmailers."
Polish gentiles bore the brunt of the killing force unleashed by the Soviets while they established their totalitarian hold on Poland and the Polish people. Checinski cites a study based on party and security archives that estimates 80,000 to 200,000 Polish gentiles were killed by the Soviets during their takeover, while approximately 1600 Jews were killed at the same time. (Checinski, p. 64)
John Sack, a former CBS News bureau chief in Spain and a journalist for 48 years, spent seven years doing research and conducting interviews in Poland, Germany, Israel, and the United States to document the story of Jewish actions taken directly after the end of World War II in response to the wartime atrocities. On November 21, 1993, the CBS program 60 Minutes, presented an interview with Mr. Sack and footage of interviews with the survivors who testified to torture and killings in those camps. A Polish woman, Dr. Dorota Boreczek, former inmate of the Swientochlowiche camp, testified that she was arrested and tortured together with her parents. Her father, a member of Polish Home Army, was executed. (See John Sack, "An Eye For An Eye," Basic Books, Division of Harper Collins Publishers, 1993.)


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